Disproportionality
across Electoral Systems
When electoral engineers design an
electoral system they are faced with myriad options for doing so. From
First-Past-The-Post (Single Member Plurality (SMP)), to open-list Proportional
Representation, to Mixed-Member Proportional systems, there are numerous ways
to design an electoral system. With each
electoral system there are pros and cons. For example, FPTP systems are
notorious for their disproportionate results and “pluralitarian” governments,
whereas PR systems are, as the name suggest, much more proportional. Proportionality,
the difference between a party’s share of votes and share of seats in
parliament, is one of the most important metrics that one must consider when
comparing electoral systems.
So, which electoral systems offer the least
and highest amounts of disproportionality? Political Scientists have long noted
the extremely disproportionate results that arise in FPTP systems. In the most recent election in the United
Kingdom for example, the Tories won a majority of seats in parliament, while
only receiving 37% of the vote nationally. In some cases, under the FPTP
system, the party which receives the most votes can actually end up in the
minority of parliament! Another example of how FPTP leads to high degrees of
disproportionality is the case of the United Kingdom Independence Party, and
its performance in the 2015 election. Here, UKIP received about 13% of the
national vote, but only received one seat in parliament (1/650th of
parliament). This stands in sharp contrast to the performance of the Scottish
National Party, which received 56 seats in parliament on less than 5% of the
national vote! To summarize, UKIP received almost three times as many votes as
the SNP, but the SNP received 56 times the representation in parliament. Such
disproportionality is a direct result of the electoral system in place. If the
system were perfectly proportional, then UKIP would have almost three times the
representation as the SNP, rather than the current situation of 56 to 1 in
favor of the SNP.
The primary measure of proportionality in
comparing electoral systems is the Gallagher Index of Proportionality. This
index goes from zero—meaning no disproportionality—to 100, meaning complete disproportionality
(which, in reality could never occur in a democracy). Essentially, the higher
the number, the more disproportionate the results of an election are. Using the
Gallagher Index of Proportionality (GIP), I have compared thirteen countries across
four general types of electoral systems. These four electoral systems are as
follows: FPTP, Closed-List PR, Open-List PR, and Mixed systems. I have selected
three countries from each of these electoral system categories, with the
exception of FPTP, from which I have selected four countries. I then took the
average of the GIP scores for the elections during years 1990-2011 (inclusive).
The results are unsurprising, with the FPTP systems having higher rates of
disproportionality, with the exception of the United States, which has
relatively low levels of disproportionality, especially considering the fact
that it has an FPTP electoral system.
The sample average differences across
systems are quite in line with expectations, with Open-List PR system having
the least amount of disproportionality, FPTP systems having the highest
amounts, and Mixed and Closed-List PR systems in between. The sample average of
GIP scores can be seen in Table 2. The results are more striking at the
national, rather than system-level. Some notable examples of extremely high or
low disproportionality are the United States, South Africa, and the
Netherlands. The United States stands
out among its FPTP peers with its relatively low rate of disproportionality,
with an average GIP score of 3.55 (See Table 1). This is likely a result of the
“psychological effect” of Duverger’s law, in which voters respond to the
“wasting” of votes by voting strategically for a party which has a realistic
chance of winning an election. South Africa has the most proportional results
of any country in the sample, with an average GIP score of 0.3 (See Table 1). All
of the mixed systems in my sample have relatively large amounts of
disproportionality when compared to PR systems, but this is what one would
expect given that these systems contain Single Member Districts.
If one considers the democratic principle
of “one person, one vote”, then it is clear that Proportional Representation is
the most “democratic” of electoral systems. FPTP systems, with their systemic
problem of wasted votes, lead to the most disproportionate outcomes, like the
example of UKIP and the SNP noted earlier. Mixed systems try to strike a
balance between the regional/personal nature of SMDs and the proportionality of
PR. Some countries, like New Zealand, have reformed their electoral systems to
achieve higher degrees of proportionality. If proportionality was the only
metric that mattered when it came to choosing electoral systems, then all of
them would be some variation of PR. But other factors must be taken into
consideration, such as religious and/or ethnic differences, geography, and even
tradition. That is why there is such variation within and across electoral
systems.
Table
1: Average Disproportionality of Election Results across Electoral Systems
1990-2011 (inclusive)
|
Country
|
Electoral
System
|
Average
Disproportionality 1990-2011 (inclusive)
|
|
Canada
|
FPTP
|
12.20
|
|
India
|
FPTP
|
7.42
|
|
United
Kingdom
|
FPTP
|
15.93
|
|
USA
|
FPTP
|
3.55
|
|
Israel
|
Closed-PR
|
2.12
|
|
Spain
|
Closed-PR
|
5.70
|
|
South
Africa
|
Closed-PR
|
0.3*
|
|
Denmark
|
Open-PR
|
1.34
|
|
Finland
|
Open-PR
|
3.26
|
|
Netherlands
|
Open-PR
|
1.02
|
|
Germany
|
Mixed
|
3.70
|
|
New
Zealand
|
Mixed
|
2.69**
|
|
Italy
|
Mixed
|
6.13
|
*South Africa 1994-2011.
**New Zealand 1996-2011.
Table 2: GIP
Sample Averages
|
Type
|
GIP Sample Average
|
|
FPTP
|
9.78
|
|
Closed-PR
|
2.71
|
|
Open-PR
|
1.87
|
|
Mixed
|
4.17
|
Bibliography:
Carey,
John M, and Simon Hix. 2011. “The Electoral Sweet Spot: Low-Magnitude
Proportional Electoral Systems.” American Journal of Political Science 55(2):
383–397.
Gallagher,
Michael and Mitchell, Paul. The Politics
of Electoral Systems. Oxford University Press. Print. 2005.
Gallagher,
Michael. 1991. “Proportionality, Disproportionality, and Electoral Systems.”
Electoral Studies 10(1): 33–41.
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